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    "pref" : "The published R Scripts and Stata syntax files (do-files) and datasets (among which a partial version of the 2020 Inequality Barometer published under https://doi.org/10.7802/2740) can be used to replicate the results reported in the article (Stutzmann, 2025).\r\nPast research has often attributed electoral backlash to structural economic change to a lack of compensation and interest group representation for affected groups. Is that backlash then mitigated in contexts where both of these conditions are fulfilled? I argue that perceived economic deprivation fuelling political disengagement as well as disappointment with the issue-owning party are important factors contributing to such a backlash. Using the case of Germany, I empirically analyse the electoral repercussions of a coal phase-out in the presence of compensation for affected groups as well as active involvement of labour and business interests in political decision-making. By employing a series of staggered difference-in-differences models, I investigate whether the closures of coal plants and mines between 2007 and 2022 affected voting behaviour at the municipal level. I find that these closures resulted in an asymmetric backlash in the form of lower vote shares for the issue owner, the Social Democratic Party, and higher abstention rates in affected municipalities. With the significant politicisation around fossil fuel-based energy generation, these findings have important implications for the remaining coal phase-outs worldwide.",
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    "pref" : "The used data listed below can either be downloaded from the original study pages or can be downloaded here: \r\n- Landesdatenbank NRW (https://www.landesdatenbank.nrw.de/ldbnrw/online/) \r\n- Bundesnetzagentur - Kraftwerksliste (https://www.bundesnetzagentur.de/DE/Sachgebiete/ElektrizitaetundGas/Unternehmen_Institutionen/Versorgungssicherheit/Erzeugungskapazitaeten/Kraftwerksliste/start.html) \r\n- Statistik der Kohlenwirtschaft e.V. (https://kohlenstatistik.de/) \r\n- Wegweiser Kommune (https://www.wegweiser-kommune.de/; „Datenlizenz Deutschland – Namensnennung – Version 2.0\" (www.govdata.de/dl-de/by-2-0) \r\n- Bundesinstitut für Bau-, Stadt- und Raumforschung (https://www.bbsr.bund.de/BBSR/EN/home/_node.html) \r\n- Inequality Barometer 2020 (https://doi.org/10.7802/2740)\r\n- Inequality Barometer 2022\r\n- Politbarometer Gesamtkumulation (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13299)\r\n- Politbarometer West 2007 (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.4803)",
    "de" : "The used data listed below can either be downloaded from the original study pages or can be downloaded here: \r\n- Landesdatenbank NRW (https://www.landesdatenbank.nrw.de/ldbnrw/online/) \r\n- Bundesnetzagentur - Kraftwerksliste (https://www.bundesnetzagentur.de/DE/Sachgebiete/ElektrizitaetundGas/Unternehmen_Institutionen/Versorgungssicherheit/Erzeugungskapazitaeten/Kraftwerksliste/start.html) \r\n- Statistik der Kohlenwirtschaft e.V. (https://kohlenstatistik.de/) \r\n- Wegweiser Kommune (https://www.wegweiser-kommune.de/; „Datenlizenz Deutschland – Namensnennung – Version 2.0\" (www.govdata.de/dl-de/by-2-0) \r\n- Bundesinstitut für Bau-, Stadt- und Raumforschung (https://www.bbsr.bund.de/BBSR/EN/home/_node.html) \r\n- Inequality Barometer 2020 (https://doi.org/10.7802/2740)\r\n- Inequality Barometer 2022\r\n- Politbarometer Gesamtkumulation (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13299)\r\n- Politbarometer West 2007 (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.4803)",
    "en" : "The used data listed below can either be downloaded from the original study pages or can be downloaded here: \r\n- Landesdatenbank NRW (https://www.landesdatenbank.nrw.de/ldbnrw/online/) \r\n- Bundesnetzagentur - Kraftwerksliste (https://www.bundesnetzagentur.de/DE/Sachgebiete/ElektrizitaetundGas/Unternehmen_Institutionen/Versorgungssicherheit/Erzeugungskapazitaeten/Kraftwerksliste/start.html) \r\n- Statistik der Kohlenwirtschaft e.V. (https://kohlenstatistik.de/) \r\n- Wegweiser Kommune (https://www.wegweiser-kommune.de/; „Datenlizenz Deutschland – Namensnennung – Version 2.0\" (www.govdata.de/dl-de/by-2-0) \r\n- Bundesinstitut für Bau-, Stadt- und Raumforschung (https://www.bbsr.bund.de/BBSR/EN/home/_node.html) \r\n- Inequality Barometer 2020 (https://doi.org/10.7802/2740)\r\n- Inequality Barometer 2022\r\n- Politbarometer Gesamtkumulation (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13299)\r\n- Politbarometer West 2007 (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.4803)"
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    "pref" : "The published Stata syntax and data files can be used to replicate the results reported in Schmelz, K. & Bowles, S. (2025):\r\n\r\nConventional approaches to policy design often fail to recognize the plasticity of citizens’ beliefs and values upon which policy effectiveness and political sustainability depends. By way of illustration, we show that environmental policies may fail this test, crowding out pre-existing green values. Our representative survey of 3,306 Germans finds that enforced restrictions to promote carbon-neutral lifestyles would trigger strong negative responses because they “restrict freedom.” This is true even among those who would adopt green lifestyles when voluntary, possibly undermining support for green political movements. These results combined with the long-term political consequences of the polarizing reactions to covid mandates motivate a new approach to climate policy design. We set aside the conventional economic model assuming self-interested citizens, in which there could be no green values to crowd out. Instead, we propose a dynamic approach recognizing that a) to succeed, essential policies including bans, carbon taxes and the promotion of new technologies must be both implementable and politically sustainable, entailing b) a critical role for citizens’ green values, which c) may be either diminished or cultivated, depending on policy design.",
    "de" : "The published Stata syntax and data files can be used to replicate the results reported in Schmelz, K. & Bowles, S. (2025):\r\n\r\nConventional approaches to policy design often fail to recognize the plasticity of citizens’ beliefs and values upon which policy effectiveness and political sustainability depends. By way of illustration, we show that environmental policies may fail this test, crowding out pre-existing green values. Our representative survey of 3,306 Germans finds that enforced restrictions to promote carbon-neutral lifestyles would trigger strong negative responses because they “restrict freedom.” This is true even among those who would adopt green lifestyles when voluntary, possibly undermining support for green political movements. These results combined with the long-term political consequences of the polarizing reactions to covid mandates motivate a new approach to climate policy design. We set aside the conventional economic model assuming self-interested citizens, in which there could be no green values to crowd out. Instead, we propose a dynamic approach recognizing that a) to succeed, essential policies including bans, carbon taxes and the promotion of new technologies must be both implementable and politically sustainable, entailing b) a critical role for citizens’ green values, which c) may be either diminished or cultivated, depending on policy design.",
    "en" : "The published Stata syntax and data files can be used to replicate the results reported in Schmelz, K. & Bowles, S. (2025):\r\n\r\nConventional approaches to policy design often fail to recognize the plasticity of citizens’ beliefs and values upon which policy effectiveness and political sustainability depends. By way of illustration, we show that environmental policies may fail this test, crowding out pre-existing green values. Our representative survey of 3,306 Germans finds that enforced restrictions to promote carbon-neutral lifestyles would trigger strong negative responses because they “restrict freedom.” This is true even among those who would adopt green lifestyles when voluntary, possibly undermining support for green political movements. These results combined with the long-term political consequences of the polarizing reactions to covid mandates motivate a new approach to climate policy design. We set aside the conventional economic model assuming self-interested citizens, in which there could be no green values to crowd out. Instead, we propose a dynamic approach recognizing that a) to succeed, essential policies including bans, carbon taxes and the promotion of new technologies must be both implementable and politically sustainable, entailing b) a critical role for citizens’ green values, which c) may be either diminished or cultivated, depending on policy design."
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    "pref" : "Our data set is a subset of a large data set from the Covid-19 survey \"Living in exceptional circumstances\" of the Cluster of Excellence \"The Politics of Inequality\" at the University of Konstanz, containing not only our module on support for voluntary vs. enforced climate and covid policies, but also modules from other researchers. Here we report on non-panel data from the fourth wave. Data sets from previous waves titled \"COVID-19 and Social Inequality\" along with the codebooks have also been deposited at GESIS datorium.\r\nwave 1: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2116\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2116</a>, <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2118\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2118</a>\r\nwave 2: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2334\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2334</a>, <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2335\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2335</a>\r\nwave 3: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2456\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2456</a>",
    "de" : "Our data set is a subset of a large data set from the Covid-19 survey \"Living in exceptional circumstances\" of the Cluster of Excellence \"The Politics of Inequality\" at the University of Konstanz, containing not only our module on support for voluntary vs. enforced climate and covid policies, but also modules from other researchers. Here we report on non-panel data from the fourth wave. Data sets from previous waves titled \"COVID-19 and Social Inequality\" along with the codebooks have also been deposited at GESIS datorium.\r\nwave 1: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2116\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2116</a>, <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2118\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2118</a>\r\nwave 2: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2334\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2334</a>, <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2335\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2335</a>\r\nwave 3: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2456\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2456</a>",
    "en" : "Our data set is a subset of a large data set from the Covid-19 survey \"Living in exceptional circumstances\" of the Cluster of Excellence \"The Politics of Inequality\" at the University of Konstanz, containing not only our module on support for voluntary vs. enforced climate and covid policies, but also modules from other researchers. Here we report on non-panel data from the fourth wave. Data sets from previous waves titled \"COVID-19 and Social Inequality\" along with the codebooks have also been deposited at GESIS datorium.\r\nwave 1: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2116\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2116</a>, <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2118\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2118</a>\r\nwave 2: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2334\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2334</a>, <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2335\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2335</a>\r\nwave 3: <a href=\"https://doi.org/10.7802/2456\" target=\"_blank\">https://doi.org/10.7802/2456</a>"
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  "abstract" : {
    "pref" : "Employing new and original survey data collected in three waves (May and November 2020 as well as May 2021) in Germany, this paper studies the dynamics of individual-level support for additional health care spending. A first major finding is that, so far, health care spending preferences have not radically changed during the Covid-19 pandemic, at least at the aggregate level. A more detailed analysis reveals, secondly, that individual-level support for additional spending on health care is strongly conditioned by performance perceptions and, to a lesser extent, general political trust. Citizens who regard the system as badly (well) prepared to cope with the crisis are more likely to support (oppose) additional spending. Higher levels of political trust are also positively associated with spending support, but to a lesser degree. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for policy-making and welfare state politics in the post-pandemic era.<br>\n<br>\nThis data set provides the data and Stata code used for the article. A detailed description of the variables is available from the corresponding publication. Please cite the paper if you use the data.<br>",
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    "pref" : "With the increasing relevance of ethnic groups as political actors, the literature has attempted to identify and study the ethnic organizations representing these groups. How do these organizations use digital communication channels to reach their domestic and international audiences? To enable research on these questions, we have developed the Ethnic Organizations Online (EO2) dataset, a new data collection focusing on the online channels that ethnic organizations use. The dataset includes four types of channels: Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and regular websites. It relies on the Ethnic Power Relations -- Organizations database, and is therefore compatible with an entire family of datasets on ethnic politics. Featuring more than 2,000 online channels used by 265 groups, it allows researchers to study a wide variety of questions related to digital ethnic mobilization.\r\n\r\nThis repository contains the dataset, codebook, and further information on working with the dataset. A paper titled \"Ethnic Politics via Digital Means: Introducing the Ethnic Organizations Online (EO2) Dataset\" is forthcoming in Journal of Peace Research.",
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